以下是为⼤家整理的《美国经典英⽂演讲翻译:Inaugural Address》的⽂章,供⼤家参考
John F. Kennedy: Inaugural Address
[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)]
[Administering of the Oath of Office]
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning --signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge -- and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall
not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- t
o prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.
So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free."1
And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the
life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,"2 a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man. Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.
[的真伪认证:下⾯的⽂字版直接从⾳频转录。(2)]
宣誓就职[管理]
议长先⽣,副总统约翰逊,终审法院⾸席法官先⽣,艾森豪威尔总统,尼克松副总统,杜鲁门总统,牧师的僧侣,同胞们:
defending 我们今天所看到的不是⼀个党的胜利,⽽是⾃由庆祝 - 象征着⼀个结束,以及⼀个开端 - 意味着延续以及变化。因为我你和全能的上帝⾯前宣誓,我们的祖先相同的庄严誓⾔,规定了近⼀个世纪前四分之三。
现在的世界是⾮常不同的。⼈在⾃⼰⾎⾁之躯的⼿中持有的权⼒,取消所有形式的⼈类贫困和⼀切形式的⼈类⽣命。但我们的先辈为之奋⽃的⾰命信念仍然在世界各地的问题 - 信仰,⼈的权利来不是从国家的慷慨,⽽是来⾃上帝之⼿。
我们不敢忘记,我们今天是第⼀次⾰命的继承⼈。让字去,从这个时间和地点,朋友和敌⼈都认为⽕炬已经传给新⼀代美国⼈ - 出⽣在本世纪,战争,锻炼了艰难困苦的和平,引以为傲的纪律我国悠久的传统,不愿⽬睹或容许缓慢毁灭这个国家⼀直致⼒于这些⼈权,我们致⼒于在国内和世界各地的今天。
让每个国家都知道,⽆论是希望我们好或坏,我们将付出任何代价,承受任何负担,应付任何艰难,⽀持任何朋友,反对任何敌⼈,以确保⾃由的⽣存和成功。
这是我们⽮志不移 - 以及更多。
我们共享的⽂化和精神渊源的⽼盟友,我们保证朋友的忠诚。美国有⼀点是我们不能做的合作企业在东道国。分为有⼀点我们可以做到 - 因为我们不敢迎接强⼤的挑战赔率分歧,各⾏其是。
对于那些新的国家,我们欢迎⾃由⾏列中来,我们保证我们的话,⼀种形式的殖民统治,不得过世只是⼀个更为残酷的*来取代。我们并不总是指望他们会⽀持我们的观点。但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护⾃⼰的⾃由 - ⽽且要记住的是,在过去,那些愚蠢地寻求权⼒的骑虎背告终。
要奋⼒打破⼤众的苦难债券半个地球的⼩屋和村庄的那些⼈,我们保证尽努⼒帮助他们⾃⽴,需要的任何时期 - 这并⾮因为共产党可能正在这样做,不是因为我们需要他们的选票,⽽是因为它是正确的。如果⼀个⾃由社会不能帮助许多谁是穷⼈,就不能保全少数谁是丰富。
我们南⾯的妹共和国,我们提供了⼀个特殊的服务:我们的美好诺⾔化作善⾏,进步的新同盟中,帮助⾃由的⼈们和⾃由的政府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是,这种充满希望的和平⾰命不能成为敌对势⼒的猎物。我们要让所有邻国都知道,我们将与他们⼀道在美洲反对任何侵略或*。让其它国家都知道,本半球的打算保持⾃⼰的房⼦的主⼈。
那个世界组装的主权国家,联合国,我们希望在这样⼀个时代,战争的⼿段已远远超过了和平的⼯具,我们重申我们的⽀持诺⾔ - 以防⽌它仅仅成为谩骂的场所,以加强其盾新国弱国,并扩⼤⾯积,其权⼒运⾏。
最后,这些国家将我们为敌,我们提供的不是保证,⽽是要求:双⽅重新开始寻求和平,科学吞噬前的⿊暗中释放出可怕的破坏⼒量预谋的或意外的⾃我毁灭全⼈类。
我们不敢怯弱来引诱他们。因为只有当我们的武器是⾜以⽏庸置疑,我们可以肯定毫⽆疑问,他们将永远不会被采⽤。 但⽆论是两个伟⼤的,强⼤的国家集团可以采取舒适从我们⽬前的课程 - 现代武器的费⽤由双⽅负担过重,理所当然使双⽅感到震惊的不断扩散,致命的原⼦,但双⽅却争着改变那不稳定
的恐怖平衡保持⼈类的最后战争的⼿。
因此,让我们重新开始 - 双⽅都应记住,谦恭并⾮软弱可欺,⽽诚意则永远证明。让我们从来不害怕谈判,但我们决不能畏惧谈判。
让双⽅都来探讨什么问题,我们团结起来,⽽不是操劳那些使我们分裂的问题。
让双⽅的第⼀次,提出认真细致的检查和控制武器的建议,并带来绝对的权⼒,摧毁其他国家的所有国家的绝对控制之下。
让双⽅寻求援引科学的奇迹,⽽不是它的恐怖。⼀起让我们探索星球,征服沙漠,消除疾病,开发海洋深处,并⿎励艺术和商业的。
让双⽅团结起来,听从,在世界各个⾓落的地球,以赛亚的命令 - “卸下沉重的负担,[]让被压迫者得⾃由。”
⽽且,如果合作的滩头阵地能逼退猜忌的丛林,那么就让双⽅共同创建⼀个新的努⼒ - 不是⼀个新的权⼒平衡,但⼀个新
的世界法律 - 强者公正,弱者安全,和平将得到维护。
所有这⼀切都将⽆法完成在第⼀个百天。也将在最初的⼀千天完成,也不在⽣命的这个政府甚⾄也许不可能在我们的⼀⽣在这个星球上。但是,让我们开始吧。
在你的⼿中,我的同胞们,矿多,我们当然会休息的最终成败。⾃从我国建⽴以来,每⼀代美国⼈都被召唤去证明他们对国家的忠诚。年轻的美国⼈响应号召,服务的坟墓遍布全球。
现在,号⾓⼜再度召唤我们 - 不是号召我们拿起武器,虽然我们需要武器 - 不是召唤我们去作战,虽然我们严阵以待 - 但调⽤漫长的黎明前的⽃争中承担的负担,今年⼜⼀年,“希望中得到欢乐,在患难中要忍耐,”⼈类共同的敌⼈的⽃争:*,贫穷,疾病和战争本⾝。
对付这些敌⼈,我们能否结成了盛⼤的全球联盟,南,北,东,西,来确保⼀个更加丰硕的成果为全⼈类的⽣活吗?你们愿意参加这⼀历史性的努⼒?
世界在漫长的历史中,只有少数⼏代⼈被赋予捍卫⾃由的⾓⾊,在最危急的时刻。我不会推卸责任 - 我欢迎它。我不相信我们中间有⼈想交换的地⽅与任何其他⼈或任何其他代。的精⼒,信念和献⾝精神,我们为这⼀努⼒,将照亮我们的国家和所有谁担任。和辉光的那团⽕能照亮世界。
因此,我的美国同胞们,不要问你们的国家能为你做什么,问你能为国家做些什么。
世界我的同胞们,不要问美国将为你们做些什么,但是我们共同能为⼈类的⾃由。
最后,⽆论你是美国公民或世界公民,要求我们在相同的⾼标准,我们要求你的⼒量和牺牲。我们可以肯定的奖励有了⼀个很好的良⼼,历史最终判断我们的⾔⾏,让我们去提出来带领我们所爱的⼟地,要求他的祝福,并在他的帮助,但知道在这⾥对地球神的⼯作必须真正是我们⾃⼰的。
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